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Submission THOMAS-0608 (Online)

Submission By Gordon Thomas
AddressMill Bay, BC, Canada
Organization
Date20040610
CategoryElectoral system change
Abstract
A comment on the desirability of proportional representation [MMP] and the need for the proportionality representatives to be selected from closely defeated candidates rather than by party officials. [3 pages]

Submission Content
Summary

A comment on the desirability of proportional representation and the need for the proportionality representatives to be selected from closely defeated candidates rather than by party officials. I also will suggest a methodology for the implementation of this approach.

Why proportional representation?

In British Columbia, over the past several decades, we have a history of the major political parties vying for election having major differences in their fundamental view of the role of government. This has resulted in major shifts of policy whenever there is a change in the government. These major shifts in policy are counter-productive because they require restructuring in both the public and private sector, create uncertainty about expectations among all publics in BC and beyond, and indicate the likelihood of continuing long-term instability. Generally these changes in the government are the result of only a small proportion of the electorate shifting from one party to another and only rarely reflect a general dissatisfaction with the work or policies of the party in power. Proportional representation results in all views held by a large number of voters being represented in the legislature and, therefore, the composition of the legislature more accurately reflects the views of the electorate. Such representation will keep both majority and coalition governments aware of their fragility and thereby tend to reduce policy extremes. Proportional representation will also encourage voter turnout, as each potential voter will realize that when they vote their views will have spokespersons in the legislative assembly somewhat proportional to the number of voters who share these views.

A fully proportional legislature has proven to be impractical, if not unworkable, in other jurisdictions. A form in which we elect some legislators on a plurality basis and others represent the proportion of support received by the various political parties may be the most desirable way of implementing proportional representation. I would suggest that 50% of the seats be filled on the present ‘first past the post” basis and 50% be filled based on the proportion of votes received by the competing political parties.

The selection of proportionality representatives

It is my fundamental belief that members of the legislature should be selected by the voters rather than the leaders or officials of any particular political party. It follows that any selection of proportionality representatives should come from those candidates who have received the most support from the voters in their constituency. This also implies that all candidates who win their constituency are entitled to a seat in the legislature. Persons selected on the basis of proportionality would be in addition to those elected by their constituency. I, and many with whom I have spoken, also see the selection of the proportionality representatives from a listing of possibilities prepared by the political parties as being anti-democratic because the legislators are then selected by party officials rather than the electorate. It may be that political parties would prefer to select their representatives rather than have it done by the voters but this would be undemocratic. Political parties now select persons to run as their candidates who already support the views and policies of the party and, if the initial selection was done properly, they should be prepared to live by the choices of the electorate. Any provision that results in proportional representatives being selected from a party list rather than narrowly defeated candidates is not only undemocratic but may well result in the concept of proportional representation being rejected by voters should they be asked to choose.

A suggested implementation methodology

Any suggestion that results in more people having seats in the legislature than those elected on a plurality basis requires that there be either an increase in the number of seats or a reduction in the number of constituencies. Stability of government suggests that some number should be elected directly and the balance be the proportionality representatives. Let us say my proposed 50% model is accepted. With the 50% model the number of seats would have to be doubled to accommodate the 50% proportionality representatives or the number of constituencies reduced to one-half the present number. Almost any combination of directly elected and proportionality representatives are possible. My preference would be to reduce the number of constiuencies by about one third and thereby also increasing the seats by one third.

If we accept the principle that the voters should decide who sits in the legislature then the selection of proportionality representatives could, in my view, be done in one of two ways. Either by selecting those who came closest to winning or those who received the highest proportion of the votes in their riding.

My preference for the selection of the proportionality representatives would be on the basis of how close they came to winning the seat. That is, by a comparison of the share of the vote they received to that received by the winning candidate. (For example if, in a given constituency, candidate A received 40% of the votes cast and candidate B received 35% of the votes cast, candidate B’s score would be 35/40 or .875. Candidate A would take the seat. If candidate B’s party was awarded an additional seat based on the proportion of votes received by that party’s candidates then that .875 would be compared with the similarly calculated score of other defeated candidates belonging to same party. If, in another constituency, candidate D represented the same party as B and received 40% of the vote compared to the winners 52%, then candidate D’s score would be 40/52 or .769.  Because candidate B came closer to being elected than candidate D, candidate B’s score is higher than D’s, therefor candidate B would be the party's proportionality representative).

The alternative would be to use the percentage of votes received by the losing candidates as the score for each candidate. While this may be simpler and somewhat easier to calculate and understand it may not be as desirable as the previous methodology because this score could be greatly influenced by the number of candidates running in that particular constituency.

This methodology would apply regardless of the percentages of seats allocated to proportionality representatives. The result, of course, would be that some constituencies would have two or, possibly, three representatives while others would only have one. While not particularly desirable that is preferable to having some constituencies only represented by people who did not have a plurality in their constituency or who were selected by party officials rather than the electorate.

Conclusion

In conclusion, I give my goodwill and best wishes to the members of the Citizens’ Assembly and hope for a successful conclusion to your deliberations.  Your devotion and commitment to achieving a workable and improved legislative structure for the people of BC should be recognized and appreciated by all the citizens of our great province.

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