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Submission WEBSTER-0393 (Online)

Submission By Alan Webster
AddressSurrey, BC,
Organization
Date20040513
CategoryElectoral system change
Abstract
First Past The Post (FPTP) voting system should not be radically changed to a PR or MMP system. The Alternative Vote (AV) enables voters to express their opinions at the same time as they register a vote for their MLA. [6 pages]

Submission Content
Democratic Elections and Governance

Abstract

I support the introduction of a modification to our current voting sytem to use the Preferential/Alternative vote(AV) to allow voters the choice of ranking their vote for the cadidates in their riding,  and thus allow the selection of the best candidate by a majority of the voters in all ridings.

I do not support the suggestions that the First Past The Post (FPTP) voting  system should be radically  changed to a Proportional  Representation (PR) or Mixed Member Proportional (MMP) system of voting without local ridings, and I also object to the proposed changes to our established form of governance in the legislature from one that encourages majority government to one that encourages repititious coalition minority governments.

Submission Content

1.  Westminster Governance 

The present form of Westminster system of governance that we have today, depends on the basic right of qualified voters -- citizenship, residency and riding location -- to make their selection of a candidate to be their electorate representative (MLA)  in their riding, be they party nominated or are individuals who seek such a position within the BC Legislature.

It is very disappointing to this participant voter, to see that in the information available to the public from the Citizen Assembly website, that very little attention appears to have been devoted to examining our present form of government, its fundamentals and operation, and the role of majority decisions that are essential to ensuring that leadership and timely governance is provided  to the citizens of BC.
 
2.  Mandate of the Assembly

Naturally,  given the mandate of the Assembly, it is understandable  that the Assembly has concentrated its efforts to date, on examining possible changes to our current voting system. However, that has resulted in also highlighting  all the different governance options that appear around the world, some of which have been adapted by some countries that were similarly founded on the Westminster system as in BC and Canada.

However, the  stated objective  of examining other forms of voting  and election of riding MLAs in BC, with the intention of attempting to improve voting participation, appears to have led to an overall examination of quite  different types of governance.  This is a much larger issue and one that has much more fundamental ramifications on our system of government than simply providing choice in voting.

Some of the  changes suggested to BC's present electoral distribution, include elimination of all ridings, reduction of riding MLAs or changing the overall structure of the present riding structure by combining ridings. All of these issues must be considered as crucial factors in the formation of our government and particularly in the type and extent of representation of our voters by our elected MLAs.    

At the Richmond Hearing on May 4, which I attended, it was confirmed that the mandate of the Assembly has now been clarified to specifically address their possible suggestions and final recommendation to government for a possible referendum- all on the basis that such changes will improve voter participation but will:

   a) maintain the same number (and distribution) of ridings as present, and 
   b) maintain the same number of MLA's in the legislature 

3.  First Past The Post (FPTP) -- The Plurality system
 
While the present voting system has some drawbacks -- notably that the choice of voters is restricted to a single vote -- this encourages the selection of a local MLA from one of the leading political parties.  Perhaps, this discourages those that wish to have a minority party representative MLA in the Legislature, but are only able to convince enough voters in a few ridings that their candidates (and policies) are the best representatives to be elected as MLA's.

It does, however, have the advantage of allowing individuals to run for office as Independents as well as party nominees -- an option that disappears completely with any of the PR party list systems.

Our current voting system -- within our plurality and riding electorate system -- is straightforward, easily understood by voters  and immediately effective in all but a few cases where recounts may be required.   It produces the voters' selection of a nominated candidate to be the provincial voice of a particular riding in the legislature. It is the founding block of our elective governmental system.

To the credit of Elections BC, the independent body appointed by, and reporting to the Legislature, that the actual voting procedures and system, and the rules that govern it, have resulted in few problems for the voters or in establishing the winning candidates in each riding. The simplicity of our voting system and its efficiency must be seen as one of the keys to it's success.

Any voting system that is devised cannot be seen as perfect for all time but may require updating to ensure that it remains fair and equitable for all the voters and provides the best outcome for all -- voters and other citizens alike -- and of course the selected MLAs who are entrusted to form the government of the day on our behalf.

With the establishment of the BC Citizens' Assembly, it is certainly an appropriate time for us to consider improving our current system and that should be to enhance our current Plurality system to allow the voters to directly express their opinion and preference for their riding MLA and all the candidates.

This is achieved  by modifying the current voting system to provide the Alternate Vote system (AV).

4.  The Alternate Vote (AV) -- Majority Voting and Voter Choice

The adoption of the Alternate Vote in conjunction with our existing voting system will provide BC citizens with  the means to express their opinions directly at the same time as they register their vote for their MLA, so that every MLA represents the majority of all voters in the particular riding in which multiple candidates are competing for such position.

It eliminates the possibility of MLAs being elected by a minority of the votes cast in any riding, by allowing each voter to simply rank all (or some) of the listed candidates in the order of  preference that they wish as their MLA. This system provides an across the board opinion of the voters as to the suitability of each candidate and their political views and party connections (if any).

While the voting system is somewhat more involved than our current single vote, it certainly will be a definite improvement that gives all voters an opportunity to express their opinions, and choice in the voting booths that currently is not available.

The AV system ensures that where no single candidate receives a clear majority of all the registered votes in each riding, that an automatic recount of the ranked candidates is  carried out under the supervision of Elections BC to establish the specific best preference of all the voters.         

5.  Proportional Representation (PR)

 In my opinion, any consideration of adopting PR forms of voting and governance should also examine the  downstream political ramifications that such suggested models would have on our existing  form of governance.

Do we really want to emulate the experience of countries such as Italy -- or even Israel -- where governments rise and fall and elections are held at a dizzying pace, and governments are formed on the basis of coalitions of numerous minority parties?  Do we want a never ending debating society in Victoria with no apparent decision making capacity to govern?

I think not.

PR  appears to lead, inevitably, to  coalitions of minorities that paradoxically provide effective control  of government to these minority (parties)) through the necessity of party deal making coalitions. But this does not result in the voters receiving the full benefits of  transparent and effective responsibility that is directly attributable under a majority government.

The adoption of the PR system, certainly raises the question of its reliance on the use of party closed lists from which the electors inherit individuals as their MLA's on a random basis without the normal voter scrutiny through general public joint candidate  meetings. It also raises the distinct possibility that those named by the party to such lists are simply named as nominees within their own parties as a reward for strictly party loyalty or support without perhaps even satisfying any kind of internal democratic party nomination process.

The use of STV is also highly problematic and complicated, as it involves large lists of potential candidates from a multiplicity of areas/ridings (if they exist at all under the PR system). Voters are accustomed to having a general knowledge of their local riding candidates, but extending that idea beyond each current riding is a futile exercise that no one should even attempt.               

There have been some misguided submissions and presentations that suggest obliquely that, by having a PR system that this would allow correction of certain under-represented minority groups by special seat allocations either directly by quotas. or through party lists. The Canadian culture allows for equal opportunity for all citizens to seek public office without necessity for such measures which are repugnent to me and I am sure, to most of my fellow  citizens.
 
The use of popular votes on a Province wide basis to select MLAs on a party's percentage of the popular vote, closed party lists, and no local riding votes is patently unacceptable and should be excluded entirely from any serious consideration by the Assembly.

6.  Mixed Member Proportional  (MMP)- New Zealand

The  New Zealand experience in adopting a form of MMP in 1996 (after 12 years of discussions and two referendums) has been touted by many submissions as one that we should consider and adopt, a suggestion that I do not agree with for various reasons.

Unfortunately, the Assembly's briefing facts provided on the website, containing only summary information on the various families of voting sytems, does not provide a very extensive or detailed summary of the MMP  specifics now adopted by New Zealand. Nor does it outline  the impact of these changes on that country's governance which has gone from a clear two party majority system to a six party minority government after three consecutive federal elections, in 1996, 1999 and 2002

However, thanks to  Katherine Gordon's submission  (ID 0234) with appropriate references to other websites, I have gleaned some extensive  information on that country's MMP system, but do not agree with her conclusion that this system is an excellent example that BC  should copy.

The fact that it took such a long time to achieve a so-called majority acceptance of changing their governance structure and its required voting system is an indicator and warning to BC voters and the Assembly, that changes of this magnitude can be very divisive. The final tally on NZ's  second binding referendum to accept MMP was ;

   YES           53.9 %
   NO            46.1 %
   VOTERS   85.2 %

A very narrow margin of plurality, but stll not an absolute majority of all the eligible voters.  In fact it represents only 45.9% of all eligible voters!
     
Claims that these adopted MMP  voting and governance  changes have led NZ to an increase in their voting participation rates by the  public are quite misleading, as NZ has clearly enjoyed higher rates under their former system, prior to the introduction of their MMP system.

See "Case Study: New Zealand" by Nigel Roberts -- from a high of 97.6 % in 1946 to 85.2% in 1993, under their FPTP system and, from 88.26% in 1996 to 76.98 % in 2002 under the MMP system.

In fact the overall rates of voter participation in NZ (in the  range of 80 % to 95 %) far outstrips those in BC,  leading one to wonder whether NZ also has  adopted Australia's practice of enforcing it's mandatory voting for all eligible voters, as a fundamental responsibility of citizenship! We enact laws to ensure that we drive safely on our roads.  Why do we not also require  our BC citizens to accept their citizenship's responsibility by voting every four years ?

In addition, the adoption of a measure of proportionality in NZ 's MMP voting system (51 seats out of 120) has resulted in the following very significant changes in their previous voting system and governance ;

   a) an increase of 21  seats in their legislature -- from 99 to 120

   b) the number of assigned riding seats (with a presumed increase in the size of the new ridings) has decreased from approximately 94 seats to 69

   c) the number of PR unassigned  seats which are now distributed on the basis of party closed lists is currently set at 51

   d) the number of quota seats for the Maori (NZ aboriginals) has increased from 4 to 13

   e) there has been  marked differences and confusion created between local electorate members and those assigned by PR distribution

   f) forming a government after closing of the voter polls has gone from overnight under FPTP, to some nine weeks after the PR seats are assigned under MMP. And this is only  concluded after a  written agreement (the latest was 60 pages long) is signed  between the various coalition parties, undoubtedly without any voter input or knowledge to this post election  deal. 

Surely, while there are many apparent similarities between BC and New Zealand (the populations are both approximately 4 million), it is well to ponder on whether any comparison of BC's  Provincial politics, geography, economy or population diversity is at all relevant to New Zealand's (national) government and its characteristics.

For instance, If the geographic size of BC (948,000 sq km) is compared to New Zealand (269,000 sq km) in order to have the same current MMP representation as NZ, we would have to increase the number of MLA's in the legislature from 79 to a total of 450!

The NZ government is required to hold national elections no later than every 3 years, while here in BC our provincial government are now required to hold elections every 4 years, barring any unusual conditions that would require them to call an earlier election, Quite a significant difference and likely to be even more so under the difficulties of forming constant MMP coalition governments that frequently self-destruct before their term is completed as is seen by actual experiences in many other countries.

The result of these massive changes to the voting system and governance under the MMP format in New Zealand has been (as predicted by some) three consecutive minority governments, While some in BC might argue that this is exactly what we need, I for one , do not agree that such a system is beneficial for good government in BC  and certainly does not provide the degree of accountability that we presently enjoy  or require.

7.  The Role of Parties in the Legislature

While some have speculated that political parties, and particularly party discipline, are a deterrant to good government. I am not overly concerned on this issue so long as MLAs and MPs are provided with a reasonable amount of flexibility to express their personal  views, both in caucus and in the legislature. If individual MLAs cannot reconcile their personal views with the party, they can, under the current system, leave their party and sit in the legislature as Independents.

However, In matters of confidence in the government on crucial defined issues, such as budgets, the governing party must ensure that its members are supportive of the official view. Without such party discipline, a  party becomes a mob and no one benefits, least of all the voters, from a legislature that has no apparent direction and leadership.      

Conclusion

I appreciate this opportunity to address the world's first Citizens' Assembly on Electoral reform and, as a long time BC resident, register my opinions on the various forms of voting systems and governance that have been identified in the CA website for consideration.

My apologies for the length of this submission but this issue is probably the most important issue of our time in BC.  Itdeserves a full and detailed response from its citizens, and cannot be summarized in two pages! The Assembly has spent a considerable amount of time researching the options, so also have I in considering the various options put before us.

I hope that my views are found to be useful in the Assembly's future  considerations and final recommendation to our government.

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