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Submission HEPHER-0867 (Online)

Submission By Peter Hepher
AddressCreston, BC,
Organization
Date20040715
CategoryElectoral system change, Regional representation
Abstract
BC should adopt MMP with 60% of seats from constituencies. The remainder of the seats would be filled from party lists -- made public well before voting day -- in order to match each party's representation with its vote share. [2 pages]

Submission Content
First of all, I congratulate the Campbell government for setting up the Citizens' Assembly and applaud the Assembly's members for their evident dedication to their mission.

I am a BC born retired newspaper editorial writer (Saskatoon, Lethbridge, Calgary) who closely observed the Canadian political scene occupationally for 35 years and continues to do so.

It seems to me that an electoral system should be judged by three criteria:

  1. Workability -- the degree to which it contributes to "peace, order and good government".
  2. Representation -- the degree to which it reflects the electorate's ballot-box wishes.
  3. Acceptability -- the degree to which it encourages citizen participation in politics, at the ballot box and elsewhere.
To some degree, all three are related. But each can be considered separately. Here is my judgment on them:

  1. At first blush, the first-past-the-post system is more likely than any other to provide stability in government by giving one party a clear majority of the seats in the legislature. But it doesn't always do so, as past federal experience and our recent federal election have shown. Moreover, majority government's are not always true to their election promises (witness, among others, the federal Liberals in 1993, 1997 and 2000 and the B.C. Liberals in 2001) and that failing undermines respect for both the electoral process and the entire political system.
  2. By definition, proportional representation best reflects the voters' wishes.  That is a huge plus. Its disadvantage is that it may lead to governmental instability by encouraging the division of the legislature's membership among a multiplicity of parties. This may lead to compromise policies reflecting the lowest common denominator of agreement (which may or may not be a good thing) or new elections every few months (which is certainly not desirable).
  3. Judging by experience in other democracies, proportional representation is more likely to engage the political interest and participation of the citizenry. That is an even greater plus. After all, a democracy in which a large proportion of the citizens don't participate is really a democratic facade.
Above the level of the fully attended town meeting there is no perfect way of choosing our governors. How, then, can we best reconcile the three consequences I have outlined to get the best  possible electoral system?

I submit that we must begin by accepting the concept of proportional representation as the basis and then consider how it may be modified in order to reduce its disadvantages to a reasonably workable level. The
result will differ from country to country and perhaps even from province to province. But for British Columbia I believe that a combination of proportional representation and first past the post is most desirable [MMP].

Under this arrangement, a proportion of the MLAs (say, 60%) would be elected on a constituency basis. The remainder of the seats would be filled from party lists -- lists made public well before voting day -- in order to match each party's representation with its share of the overall vote.

This modification could require that a party garner a specified minimum of the total vote in order to be entitled to representation. Also, given the geographical (mal)distribution of our population, it could entail an increase in the number of legislature seats so as to avoid vast constituencies in which contact between individual citizens and their MLA  would be difficult.

Again, I thank the Assemby for its work and for the opportunity to submit my ideas about its task.

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