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Submission CARR-0635 (Online)
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Submission By | Adriane Carr, Leader of the Green Party of BC |
Address | Gibsons, BC, Canada |
Organization | Green Party of BC |
Date | 20040616 |
Category | Electoral system change |
Abstract
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A Submission by Adriane Carr, Leader of the Green Party of
BC [6 pages]
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Submission Content
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[To see the submission in its original format, see
the linked document below]
Thank you for giving me this opportunity to make this submission as
Leader of the Green Party of BC regarding my party's views on
changing BC's voting system. As you probably can guess, we are in
support of change. We have been outspoken in our support of a mixed
member proportional representation voting system for BC.
I first became interested in electoral reform in 1982. I was part
of a group involved in starting the Green Party of BC, North
America's first Green Party. We were inspired by the first-ever
election of Green Party representatives to the German parliament.
Some people here told us that there was no point in starting a
Green Party in BC. 'You'll never elect anyone. We don't have
proportional representation as they do in Germany.' That was the
first time I had heard about this kind of voting system.
Knowing the tough odds of getting elected under BC's
first-past-the-post system, in February of 1983 we formed the Green
Party of BC anyway, dedicating ourselves to slowly building public
support for our principles and sustainable solutions.
Achieving a fairer, proportional representation voting system in
this province has been a fundamental plank in our party platform
right from the start.
The BC Green Party has been an enthusiastic supporter of the
Citizens' Assembly. As Leader of the party I attended all six of
your weekend learning sessions this spring and found them exciting
and informative. This May and June I attended five of your public
hearings as an observer.
The BC Green Party was one of six political parties that backed the
Initiative that I undertook in 2002, not as leader of the party but
as a private citizen under BC's Recall and Initiative Act to
Establish a Proportional Representation Electoral System in BC. I
presented to your first public hearing in Vancouver on May 3 from
my viewpoint as the citizen proponent of this Initiative,
describing how, in the summer of 2002, 4002 volunteer canvassers
collected 98,165 signatures of BC voters endorsing a mixed member
proportional representation voting system similar to the one they
have adopted in New Zealand. These canvassers are amongst the core
supporters and proponents for electoral change in BC. Details can
be found in my first submission to you now tabled on your website:
www.citizensassembly.bc.ca.
Cynics have said to me 'Of course the Green Party is keenly
interested in electoral reform. You have the most to gain!' I
counter this by saying that all political parties will gain,
because inevitably every party gets an unfairly small share of
seats compared to their share of vote, or maybe even loses an
election despite getting more of the vote than another party. But
most importantly, the citizens of BC will benefit, especially those
who have felt frustrated by their vote 'not counting', because
their votes will count and the legislature will faithfully reflect
how they vote.
While observing your Assembly's educational sessions and the public
hearings this spring, I couldn't help but notice peoples'
negativity, anger and cynicism towards political parties and the
suggestion that maybe it would be better if there were no political
parties and simply independent politicians in our legislative
assembly.
I'm worried that some of you may share this negativity towards
political parties and make it your first priority to try to 'weaken
party control' in the mistaken belief that the problem with our
democracy is political parties.
In fact, political parties came into being in the 19th century
because of the corruption, pork barreling and abuse of power that
was rampant amongst individual independent politicians. Parties
were originally formed to provide more transparent, fair and
accountable politics: to give ordinary people access to candidacy
and to give information to voters about platforms so they could
hold parties accountable.
Political parties are not inherently evil. But many are not
functioning very democratically. One big reason why is that our
voting system is flawed. Our voting system is the democratic means
by which voters delegate their power. Every vote should count. The
power of a party should not be less nor more than voters determine
in the ballot box. Power corrupts. Unfair power creates unfair
governments. Changing to a more fair and democratic voting system
in BC will change political parties and governments for the
better.
If old parties keep getting more power than by their vote they
deserve, or they begin thinking they have power wrapped up, they
get more and more arrogant, corrupt and self-serving. They start
paying less attention to what voters actually want and more
attention to the tactics of how to win under our unfair voting
system.
I urge you to make it your priority to recommend a new voting
system that never delivers an unfair majority government, a
government that wins less than 50% of the vote yet gets a majority
of seats and virtual dictatorial power.
I urge you also to recommend a new voting system that gives young
new parties with fresh new ideas a chance to get elected. People
want new parties. For example, an Ipsos-Reid poll conducted a year
and a half ago revealed that two-thirds of British Columbians want
Green Party MLAs elected in 2005. But unless Green Party voters are
concentrated in certain electoral districts instead of being
relatively evenly spread out across BC, our voting system can't
give expression to that public desire.
By stifling smaller parties and thwarting their electoral chances,
our current system reinforces the older parties' grip on power. The
only thing that ultimately forces parties to examine their
platform, their performance in office and their appeal to voters,
is the competition for votes. Effective and electible new parties
help keep old parties honest and accountable to the public.
We need more checks on those in power. According to Elections BC
officials, our election laws place very few controls on political
parties, but there is nothing stopping you from including some
controls in the changes you recommend making to our voting system.
You could, for example, require that all political parties nominate
all candidates by publicly registered transparent democratic
processes. Our party recommends that you do this.
There are other checks on political parties' abuse of power that
are beyond your mandate. Two in particular are changing electoral
financing laws to replace corporate and union funding with public
funding, and parliamentary reforms that give more power to the
legislative assembly and less power to the cabinet and premier's
office. I'd suggest these reforms be pursued by future Citizens
Assemblies.
The mandate of this Citizens' Assembly on Electoral Reform is to
consider whether or not to change how votes are translated into
seats in our provincial legislative assembly and if you recommend
change, to clearly spell out the details of a new voting system and
write a referendum question for our May 17, 2005 election, only 340
days from today. I congratulate the BC Liberal government for
putting this power into your hands. As your Assembly chair, Jack
Blaney says, 'This really is power to the people.' You are required
to work within our Westminster parliamentary system. I found it
helpful to be clear about what this really means. The Westminster
system is a system of democracy based on political parties. Parties
nominate candidates who, if elected, theoretically at least, act as
representatives of those that elected them. If a party wins enough
seats it forms government. If not, it forms the opposition with the
role of holding government in check. The will and power of the
people is expressed through the voting system.
The most fundamental question you need to address is: does our
current voting system fairly and accurately translate the will of
voters in terms of which parties form government and opposition?
The answer is clearly: No.
Our first-past-the-post voting system worked when there were just
two parties. It does not work when there are multiple parties.
Votes get 'split' in capricious ways and our voting system delivers
unfair results, including 'wrong winners' as happened in 1996 when
the NDP won a majority government with 39% of the vote, less of the
vote than the Liberals. The results in 2001 were also
unrepresentative of voters' wishes, giving 58% of voters 97% of the
representatives (the Liberals), 22% of voters just 3% of the
representatives (the NDP) and 20% of voters (including 12.4% of
Greens) no representatives at all.
Please do not let any other issue take precedence over achieving
fair election outcomes. I urge you to deal with the greatest of
integrity and priority with this most fundamental issue: changing
our voting system so that election outcomes and our legislative
assembly, particularly which parties form government and
opposition, accurately reflect the will of the people.
If you make this your priority, you will undoubtedly come to the
same conclusion as the vast majority of citizens who have presented
to you: to recommend a proportional representation system so that a
party's share of seats equals as closely as possible its share of
votes.
The most popular recommendation made to your Assembly is for Mixed
Proportional Representation. It is popular for good reason: people
want the fairness of proportional representation and, especially in
rural BC, they want local representation, too.
In consort with these people, the Green Party of BC recommends that
you develop a Mixed Member Proportional Representation (MMP) voting
system for BC, incorporating list-PR with a province-wide party
ballot giving people two votes: one for a local representative and
a second vote for the party of their choice. This is the most fair
and democratic option. It maximizes voter representation. Every
British Columbian's vote, whether they live in Burns Lake or
Burnaby, will count equally in determining the election outcome.
In terms of the specifics of designing a 'made-in-BC' MMP system,
we recommend that you:
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Allocate list seats to parties as a 'top-up' to ensure overall
proportionality between seat share and vote share.
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Structure the ballot so that voters can vote separately for a
party. This allows voters to 'split their vote' between a local
candidate and the party of their choice and avoids the dilemma of
whether to vote for the party or the person. A separate vote for
the party of choice is the most fair and transparent way to ensure
voters can directly express their preference as to which party they
want in government.
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Split the 79-seat legislature as equally as possible between
constituency and party list seats, which would minimize the chance
of unfair electoral outcomes. We understand that this will mean
larger local constituencies, but feel that the advantages of fair
electoral outcomes and the additional representation provided by
list MLAs outweigh the disadvantages of larger constituencies. It
is regrettable that a better case in your educational process has
not been made for the role of list MLAs. List MLAs, who are elected
from party lists to 'top up' a party's share of seats in the
legislature so their overall share of seats is proportional to
their share of vote, will help better represent rural as well as
urban voters. List MLAs will represent constituencies of interest
that cut across geographical boundaries. They will represent the
people who vote for their party. Typically, parties open offices
throughout a province so that people who voted for their party and
who may not feel well represented by their constituency MLA, can
come to them for help.
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If you opt for a ratio of more constituency than party list
seats so that constituencies do not have to increase too much in
size, we recommend that you allocate no less than 1/3 of the
overall legislature as party list seats. This ratio was recently
recommended for Canada by the Law Commission of Canada. In BC, a
2/3 to 1/3 ratio would mean 53 constituency seats and 26 party list
seats in our 79-seat legislature.
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Consider a preferential ballot for election of local
constituency MLAs.
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Consider a closed list or a 'flexible list' for the party vote,
where a voter can choose either to accept the list as ranked by the
party or choose only one candidate on the list be placed at the top
as recommended for Canada by the Law Commission of Canada. A
candidate that gets 8% of the party's votes province-wide goes to
the top of the party's list. This actually has a greater chance of
changing the ranking compared to voters' re-ranking the full party
list. Just as we regret the lack of information
provided to you about the representation offered by party list
MLAs, we feel there has been inadequate information regarding the
advantages of closed party lists. Closed lists give parties a
chance to balance their candidate team in terms of gender, ethnic
background, age, expertise and regional representation. It gives a
party the opportunity to put its best people forward. Parties know:
if people don't like their list, they don't vote for their party.
In countries with closed list-PR, significantly more women and
people of different ethnic backgrounds are elected. This is good
for democracy. The problem with open lists is that
voters can express prejudice and 'bump off' candidates of certain
ethnic backgrounds that parties have thoughtfully decided to
include. This has happened in some countries with open
lists. In our party-based democracy, almost all
candidates are nominated by parties. We wish more citizens would
join political parties, especially our own, and get involved in
this part of democracy. The closed list system is an extension of
this. Recent cases of undue influence and exercise of power by
party leaders in some constituency nominations has justifiably made
people nervous about things like party lists. Undemocratic,
backroom processes for candidate nominations, whether at the
constituency level or for party lists, is unacceptable.
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Require that parties use a democratic process to nominate all
candidates, for local candidacy or party lists, and register the
process they use with Elections BC so it is open to public review.
In addition, we recommend you define what you mean by 'democratic
process' (e.g., a balloting process involving every member in the
appropriate jurisdiction with one member getting one vote). It was
suggested to your Assembly that you do this by Professor Margaret
Blakers, who came to talk to your Assembly about the New Zealand
system.
8. Incorporate a threshold of a party winning 5 percent of the
party vote or one constituency seat in order to be awarded party
list seats. A threshold of 5% avoids the 'Italy' and 'Israel'
situations of too many parties leading to difficulties in forming
and maintaining coalition governments. Countries with 5%
thresholds, like Germany and New Zealand have effective, stable
governments.
Because a significant number of citizens have recommended a
Single Transferable Vote (STV) system to you, although far fewer
than those recommending MMP, I felt it important to spell out why
the BC Green Party does not favour this system.
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STV is not designed to deliver proportional representation. This
was confirmed to me in a conversation with the author of the text
used for the Assembly's educational process, Dr. Farrell, who said
that STV achieves proportional outcomes by chance, not design. In
Malta, STV has delivered a 'wrong winner' government. Why recommend
a system that leaves what people fundamentally want the most, fair
and proportional election outcomes, to chance?
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Even in its most egalitarian form in BC (12 six-member electoral
districts and one seven-member electoral district), STV cannot be
counted on to deliver very proportional results. In a six-member
district, a candidate still needs 14% of votes to win. Smaller
parties still get excluded. Too many peoples' votes still don't
count. Knowing this, in Tasmania, the Labour and Liberal parties
joined forces to change their ridings from 7 to 5 members to try to
exclude the Green Party from being elected.
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Competition for 'first preference' votes is fierce amongst
candidates, even within the same party. To get around this, smaller
parties often strategically run only a few candidates in
multi-member ridings. Few women get elected. In Ireland, the
National Women's Council calls STV politics there 'jobs for the
boys'. In Australia, parties issue 'how to vote' cards directing
their supporters to mark their ballots in the same way to try to
maximize the chance of getting as many of their party candidates
elected as possible. This obviously negates STV's advantage of
'voter choice'. It also belies the myth that STV weakens party
control.
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A six-member riding in the north could literally encompass half
of BC all of BC north of Prince George. If you make these northern
ridings smaller, or keep them as single-member ridings while
creating multi-member ridings elsewhere in BC, it could be argued
that you are acting unconstitutionally, in that all votes will not
be equal in their ability to achieve representation.
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If you ask people, virtually everyone will tell you that they
want their first choice of candidate or party to count. Many do not
want to elect representative of their second choice party. That's
what happens now when people succumb to the pressure of 'not
splitting the vote', or voting for the 'least worst alternative' to
kick out the party they really dislike.
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The 'voter choice' offered by STV, ranking a list of candidates
in a multi-member riding, is likely not the choice that most people
want. Some people cringe at the thought of ranking long lists of
candidates, most of whom they don't know. The choice that is
fundamental to our democracy, and that is not offered by STV, is a
citizen's opportunity to vote not only for a candidate but also for
the party of their choice, knowing their party vote will count
towards determining the real election outcome, which parties form
government and opposition.
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People do not find STV vote-counting easy to understand. They
find it hard to rationalize why voters who already got their first
choice candidate elected but whose ballots were in excess of the
quota needed to get that person elected are considered 'wasted
votes' and have their second choice redistributed and counted
first. People also can not understand why people who voted for the
least popular candidate (the one that got the fewest first choices)
should have their second choice counted next and so on in an
ascending order towards the most popular candidate until a full
roster of candidates exceed the quota and get elected. A fairer
system of allocating second and subsequent preferences that has
recently been developed is called the Meeks system. This counting
system requires the use of a computer. Since the last U.S.
presidential election and the Florida balloting, there is huge
public antipathy to the use of computers to count the ballots.
People will not opt for a voting system if they can not easily
understand the way the votes are counted or that necessitates the
use of a computer to determine the outcome.
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STV is very difficult to sell to people. Even Nick Loenen, an
ardent advocate of STV, said to the Citizens Assembly public
hearing in Richmond, 'you can't sell STV for the whole province.
People won't buy into it.' STV is used only in two countries and a
few provincial assemblies. In a referendum held in New Zealand in
1992, after an extensive government- funded educational process,
voters were asked whether they wanted to change their voting system
and, if so, to indicate support for one of four options: Mixed
Member Proportional (MMP), Single Transferable Vote (STV),
Supplementary Member (SM) or Preferential Vote (PV). 55% of New
Zealand electors participated in that referendum. An overwhelming
85% voted to change their electoral system. 70% favoured MMP. Only
17% selected STV. In my opinion, if the Citizens Assembly ignores
the large majority support being expressed through your public
input process for a mixed member proportional (MMP) electoral
system and instead selects some form of STV, the Citizens Assembly
recommendation is doomed to failure. Just as they did in New
Zealand, I believe the voters will surely reject any recommendation
for STV.
In summary, the recommendations of the Green Party of BC are
to:
Change BC's voting system.
So far, 98 percent of the submissions to your assembly are
calling for change. Honour the will of these good citizens and
recommend the system that most of them prefer.
Choose a Mixed Member Proportional Representation (MMP)
voting system, combining list-PR with local constituency
representation.
This system is most faithful and fair in translating the will of
voters into election outcomes and the make-up of the legislative
assembly, which is the fundamental goal of a democratic voting
system. MMP is also the choice most widely supported by citizens in
your public input process. It gives voters more effective
representation than any other voting system, retaining local
representation and providing representation for 'constituencies of
interest' so that every voter, in every part of BC, is represented
by the election of some MLAs to whom they can turn for help and to
whom they feel akin as their politically aligned advocates. MMP
leaves out the fewest voters. It gives us the greatest chance to
get effective government and effective opposition over the
long-term.
The success of the Citizens' Assembly process rides with you. You
have to design not just a detailed system that works for BC and is
more fair, but also one that people can easily understand and vote
'yes' for in a referendum in May of 2005.
I thank you for your diligence, your hard work and your commitment
to revitalizing BC's democracy.
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